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Monday, August 16th, 2010

No Country for Old Men
Directed by Ethan Coen and Joel Coen
Starring Tommy Lee Jones, Josh Brolin, Javier Bardem

I defy you to keep easy track of the kills made by Anton Chigurh. His first, with perfect symbolism for a novel and film about law and order and crime and chaos, is of a silly young deputy in a jail where Chigurh is handcuffed. He gets the cuffs around the young man’s neck, and then it is just the work of holding on as the deputy thrashes and thrashes. Chigurh’s eyes are bulging, and the deputy’s death rattle provokes an obscene swoon from the killer. This may be the film’s only vulgarity.

It put me in mind of a documentary I saw about tarantulas. One couple, known honest to god as Tucson Blondes, rolled around and kicked with all sixteen legs at each other and the ground when a gentleman came calling and the lady wasn’t in the mood. The male didn’t make it; the female was largely uninjured. I bet the wild action painting the Coen Brothers organized with black shoe polish and legs trying to get a purchase on the ground matched the markings scratched into the dirt by those frantic spiders.

Action painting, No Country-style

The West Texas land gives of itself almost nothing, but things are perched on it like rocks and soil hostile to life: dirt more like it. It does a good impression of the middle of nowhere. There is a kind of beauty for those passing through. Staying means death. In his introduction, hunter Llewellyn Moss (played by Josh Brolin) takes aim at an antelope and misses. And there we have it. A hunter: but will he prove good enough? G.W. had the iconography of the cowboy more or less right, as did Reagan, but you see immediately that the real thing is as hard, spare and grim as Cormac McCarthy’s writing. The men’s faces are masculine, hard, with unnecessarily thick moustaches. Their bodies are sinewy, thinned, realistic, without decorative musculature or even decorative asses. They are masters at tracking. Every man in the film can read the ground, and does routinely like we read a clock. It is all nature, no culture, in the sense that the nature/culture divide intends.

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Tom Clancy’s longtime hero, former CIA analyst Jack Ryan, has managed to assume the Presidency, Gerald Ford-style, without ever having been elected on a presidential ticket.

Unlike Ford, however, Ryan had never been elected to any public office at all.

Asked by President Durling to serve as Vice President, after the previous Vice President is forced to resign in the wake of a sex scandal, Ryan reluctantly agrees to take on a largely ceremonial office. The catch for the non-politician Ryan, however, is that the Vice-Presidency is only a heartbeat away from the most burdensome job in the world, and one which Ryan shivers at the thought of undertaking.

Then the incredible happens, when a grief-striken Japanese pilot who lost family in a brief Japanese-American shooting war, mans a jumbo jet during Ryan’s swearing-in ceremony and crash lands into the Capitol, thereby all but obliterating government. The President, First Lady, the entire Supreme Court, nearly all the Cabinet and most members of Congress are killed in a few calamitous moments.

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Monday, October 16th, 2000

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Patrick Jephson’s account of his many-year tenure as Diana’s equerry and, later, Private Secretary, provides a detailed and informative view of the function of the high-level modern courtier. The heavy emphasis on the process aspect of arranging foreign tours and negotiating with charities will not be to every reader’s interest. (As Americans would have it, a private secretary is akin to a chief of staff.)

Naturally, media coverage of the book places heavy emphasis on Jephson’s revelations regarding a less savoury dimension of Diana’s character: her addiction to publicity. According to Jephson, Diana’s longstanding involvement with a range of charities was driven at least as much by the desire to see herself in the next day’s newspapers as it was by altruism, though he takes the Realpolitik view that good was nonetheless accomplished through her efforts.

As the loathing between Charles and Diana’s households grew, Jephson’s position became untenable. The turnover amongst Diana’s staff was notoriously high, and she involved many unhappy employees in her cloak and dagger meetings with high-profile journalists and lovers. In the aftermath of Diana’s “time and space” speech, when she dropped over a hundred charities, the scope of the private secretary’s traditional work narrowed and was supplemented with what Jephson regarded as Diana’s self-destructiveness.

Only a year before Diana’s death, Jephson resigned.

Wisely for him, Jephson scarcely mentions the young William and Harry, and he also takes no clear side in the marital fiasco of the Waleses. While he makes clear his loyalty to the Queen, it is easy to understand why the Royal Family would so loudly resist such a rehashing of the Diana story today. As he creates a (perhaps straw) princess to be knocked down, surely Diana’s defenders will restate their position once again, to the detriment of the Windsors. Thus, Jephson is at best naive if he believes himself to be performing any form of service to the Crown by “setting the record straight”.

Fascinating though the book is for contemporary readers, it is certain to become one of the canonical texts for future students of the twentieth-century monarchy, precisely for its intricate portrayal of the nexus at which the Palace meets foreign governments, the media, and a variety of charities. Jephson’s Cambridge education in political science is put to excellent use here. His account will assist future historians in determining where power was located in the palaces and how, despite consitutional restrictions, it could be deployed in the wider world.

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